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A situación pre bélica en Oriente Medio está
a piques de rexistrar un salto cualitativo cos últimos acontecementos que están sacudindo a rexión.
O asasinato de Elie Hobeika, ex ministro libanés e principal testigo da acusación en Bélxica
contra o Primeiro Ministro israelí, Ariel Sharon, polas matanzas de Sabra e Chatila en 1982, engadiu máis
tensión. A mortal espiral de violencia vaise acelerando e expandindo. Á xa habitual estratexia de
ataque-reacción-ataque, sumouse agora un novo campo de batalla: o sur do Líbano. Por primeira vez
despois de varios meses, as milicias chiítas de Hezbolá bombardearon posicións militares israelís
na zona chamada Granxas de Shabea, ocupada por Israel. O ministro de defensa israelí, Benjamín Ben-Eliezer,
cualificou o ataque como moi serio e acusou a Siria e Irán de dar luz verde a Hezbolá para a súa
acción. Dende outubro de 2001 Israel viola prácticamente a diario o espacio aéreo libanés.
Mentres, o Exército de Israel, que ocupou por primeira vez totalmente unha cidade palestina dende que se
estableceu, en 1994, un réxime de autonomía, permanece en alerta vermella tra-la declaración
de Hamás dunha "guerra total". O atentado suicida palestino protagonizado por primeira vez por
unha muller pon tamén de manifesto a radicalización a que está chegando a confrontación.
Agora, o obxectivo principal do primeiro ministro israelí, Ariel Sharon parece ser provocar o exilio de
Yaser Arafat para chegar a un acordo en Gaza e Cisxordania cos seus sucesores. No Goberno israelí creen
que a Administración Bush está moi preto de anunciar a ruptura das negociacións con Arafat.
O líder da Autoridade Palestina, sen embargo, que permanece asediado e confinado na súa residencia
de Ramala dende o 3 de decembro, proclamou que loitará ata a morte para constituir o Estado palestino con
Xerusalén Este como capital. Neste contexto, a reunión que celebrarán en Estados Unidos os
presidentes Sharon e Bush o 7 de febreiro, representará un punto de inflexión dun conflicto, o de
Oriente Medio, que Nacións Unidas non consigue resolver dende a creación do Estado de Israel en 1948. |
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| Índice |
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| 1 |
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Arafat
is the problem, en The Jerusalem Post,
28 de xaneiro de 2002.
The United States has had it with Yasser
Arafat: President George W. Bush is "very disappointed", Secretary of State Colin Powell is again speaking
of a "moment of truth", and envoy Anthony Zinni has reportedly likened to a mafia leader. The question
is whether Arafat's total loss of credibility will lead to the last of his last chances. |
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| 2 |
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A
moment of change, por Issa Kassissieh, en The
Jerusalem Post, 28 de xaneiro de 2002.
Since President Yasser Arafat's speech to
the nation, a Since President Yasser Arafat's speech to the nation, a dramatic drop in clashes occurred, proving
thus that he is a symbol and leader of the Palestinian people. The PNA has in fact partial control in the West
Bank and Gaza Strip, where the major parts of the territory are still under Israeli occupation. In fact, the world
community should realize that the leadership, under complicated circumstances, exerts one-hundred percent effort.
Actually, real stability needs full control and full control of the land leads to complete security. Nevertheless,
the leadership is carrying out the impossible mission with an extremist Israeli government, which aims at eliminating
the achievements of ten years of the peace process. |
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| 3 |
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Siege
in Ramallah, Editorial en The Washington Post, 28 de xaneiro de 2002.
The Bush administration has effectively
joined the siege of Yasser Arafat, who has been bottled up in his Ramallah headquarters for weeks by Israeli troops
and tanks. President Bush supported the encirclement Friday in a statement that also sharply criticized Mr Arafat;
aides made clear that still tougher US measures, including the suspension of relations with the Palestinian leader,
could come in the days ahead. |
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The return to 'the Zionist entity', por Danny
Rubinstein, en Haarets Daily, 28 de xaneiro de 2002.
After almost 17 months of bloody attacks,
both the Israelis and the Palestinians are left to reflect on painful failures. Israel's defense policy has not
brought about a reduction in the violence. |
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Our
say... Now its is genocide, por Osama El Sherif, en The
Star (Jourdan), 26 de xaneiro de 2002.
The resumption of pre-determined assassination
plots and Israel's incursion into Palestinian towns and villages have practically buried all agreements and understansings
with the Palestinians. |
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| 6 |
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Playing
into Sharon's hands, por Robert Malley,
en The
New York Times, 25 de xaneiro de 2002.
The United States also says the onus is
on Mr. Arafat and passively looks on -occasionally dispatching its special envoy when the situation looks better,
keeping him home as soon as event take a turn for the worse. |
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| 7 |
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Building
a Palestinian state, in reverse, en The Economist, 19 de xaneiro de 2002.
The news of Mr Saadat's detention caused
protests in Gaza, Ramallah and Bethlehem, led by PFLP activists but not confined to them. The protesters blamed
their leaders for "caving in" to Israeli and American dures, despite the devastation in Rafah, the killing
of Mr Karmi and the siege that cuts the West Bank and Gaza into 200 disconnected enclaves. |
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| 8 |
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Situación
límite en Oriente Medio. La posición israelí,
por Henrique Cymerman, en La Vanguardia,
27 de xaneiro de 2002.
Arafat no da las órdenes a los terroristas
palestinos, pero alienta los atentados. Entrevista a Moshe Katzav, presidente de Israel. |
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| 9 |
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Anti-Syrian
Forces Likely Behind Lebanon Bombing,
en Stratfor.com, 25 de xaneiro de 2002.
The recent assassination of a former militia
leader in Beirut, which Lebanese officials blamed on Israel, is likely in reality the work of a Lebanese nationalist
group. The move signals the resurgence of the country's anti-Syria movement, which has been quiet for months. The
subsequent pressure on Syria's young president, whose credentials are still in question, may force him to take
a tough line with the United States and Israel. |
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| 10 |
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The
Search for a Palestinian Sharon, en Stratfor.com, 28 de xaneiro de 2002.
Between Israel's secular and religious factions
lies a nationalist camp that sees war as a means for negotiation. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon is a follower of
this ideology, and is prepared to make a compromise with the Palestinians based on military reality. However, the
Palestinians have no Sharon-like leader on their side, which is increasingly dominated by religious factions. This
leaves no end in sight to the current conflict. |
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