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| Presentación |
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O presidente Mohamed Jatamí e o máximo representante
do Parlamento, Mehdi Karubi, acusaron ó Consello de Gardiáns de atentar contra a democracia en Irán
tralo seu veto a 3.605 candidaturas (incluídas ás de 82 deputados próximos a Jatamí)
presentadas nas listas para as eleccións lexislativas do vindeiro 20 de febreiro. “O seu veto dana o sistema
democrático e relixioso iraniano”, afirmaron Jatamí e Karubi, referíndose ó sistema
establecido en Irán dende o triunfo da Revolución Islámica en 1979. Un sistema teocrático,
porque o xefe do Estado é un aiatolá, unha autoridade relixiosa dos chiítas musulmáns
(Alí Jamenei, dende 1989), coa aparencia dun sistema democrático, xa que existe un Goberno electo,
dirixido polo reformista Jatamí dende 1997. A súa reelección en 2000 ratificou os desexos
da poboación de que se levasen a cabo as reformas prometidas, acordadas tamén por un Parlamento de
maioría reformista. Sen embargo, os 12 cregos que forman o Consello de Gardiáns da Constitución,
con funcións que exceden con moito ás dun Tribunal Constitucional, devolveron tódolos proxectos
de lei do programa reformista, constituíndose no máis importante bastión do clero ultraconservador
para se perpetuar no poder.
Coa súa actitude, os Gardiáns pretenden asegurarse 190 dos 290 escanos do Parlamento. De quedar así
as cousas, a decisión do Consello favorecería á Asociación dos Combatentes Relixiosos
(ACR), nacida dunha escisión da corrente conservadora relixiosa “Asociación do Clero Combatente”
e integrada por relixiosos reformistas moderados, “respectuosos” ós ollos dos Gardiáns, que consideran
“radical” á Fronte pola Participación de Jatamí. Para a maioría reformista, trátase
dunha tentativa de golpe de estado que deixa entrever o desexo dos cregos de retomar tódolos mecanismos
do poder, algo que o Parlamento pretendeu evitar coa reforma urxente da lei electoral, rexeitada polo Consello
por “contravi-la lei suprema”, a sharia. A inoperancia das institucións democráticas é respostada
por Jatamí con victimismo e ameazas de demisión, o que ten axudado a incrementa-la certeza entre
a poboación, de que o seu presidente adoece dunha alarmante falla de autoridade.
Electoralmente o desencanto tradúcese en abstención. Nas eleccións locais do pasado 2003,
a abstención -que atinxiu preto do 42% dos electores-, déulle-la victoria os conservadores nas 10
primeiras cidades (incluída Teherán). Para os comicios de febreiro, as sondaxes máis optimistas
calculan unha abstención do 70%.
Sen embargo, non son as loitas internas o único problema que afronta Irán. Javier Solana, Alto Representante
da Política Exterior da UE, considerou que o regreso dos ultraconservadores ó poder tornaría
difícil o diálogo coa Unión, pero, por outra banda, a Comisión Europea declarou en
plena crise, o 25 de xaneiro, que apoiará a entrada –en calidade de observador- de Irán na Organización
Mundial do Comercio (OMC). Excluído temporalmente do “Eixo do Mal” por George W. Bush, e en proceso de colaboración
coa Axencia Internacional da Enerxía Atómica, é frecuente a aparición de novas xornalísticas
que relacionan Irán con distintos grupos terroristas. Contemplado frecuentemente no espello iraquí,
a ningúen escapa que, por distintas razóns, tamén este experimento dificilmente pode evitar
o fracaso. |
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| Índice |
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| 1 |
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“El falso
reformismo de Irán”, por Nazanín Amirian,
en El
Periódico de Catalunya, 21 de xaneiro de 2004.
Además, los dignatarios de Irán
ven que los europeos, excluidos de los beneficios económicos y estratégicos de la ocupación
de Asia central --vía Afganistán-- y de Irak, están haciendo todo lo posible para impedir
la caída de la teocracia (algo que podría significar la instalación de un Gobierno pronorteamericano)
en este inmenso país productor de petróleo, situado en el enclave vital del estrecho de Ormuz. |
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| 2 |
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“Electoral
Disputes Sign of Political Dynamism”,
en Teheran
Times, 15 de xaneiro de 2004.
The existence of disputes and controversies,
despite the fact that the foreign media use them to promulgate disinformation and question the basic tenets of
the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, indicates that there is an avenue for people to express their views
and criticism and to protest, which in turn is part of the criteria for political growth and dynamism in Iranian
society. |
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| 3 |
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“A
new form of Iran revolution”, en Gulf News, 21 de xaneiro de 2004.
Thus, with the burgeoning younger, educated
population, there probably lies the reason for the agitation for increased democracy within the country. It is
an agitation that is growing at grassroots level and it is from there that greater transformation can be made progressively
upward, until the whole system could be changed and more democratic structures introduced. |
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| 4 |
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“Depoliticizing
the Guardians”, en Middle East Times,
23 de xaneiro de 2004.
To achieve its political objective, the
Guardians Council is using election laws to disqualify its opponents for not respecting Islam. But what does the
charge of not respecting Islam mean? A case-by-case disqualification might be acceptable if an independent court
determines on the basis of solid evidence that an applicant has violated what Iran’s constitution calls ‘the essentials
of Islam’. |
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| 5 |
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“Reform
vs Reality”, en The Washington Post, 23 de xaneiro de 2004.
It was a sort of Davos dream come true:
The idea that, as Khatami argued, dialogue and rational debate could save the world from its troubles. The Iranian
leader seemed like a man who had landed in the Swiss Alps in a time machine from the Age of Enlightenment: He decried
the effects of overspecialization of knowledge; he spoke of the tension between the ideal and the possible and
said that only reason and ethics could overcome such contradictions. |
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| 6 |
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“Opening
shots in Iran's power struggle”, en BBC News, 14 de xaneiro de 2004.
The question is whether it really intends
to go for broke and cripple the reformists in advance of the polls, or whether the pragmatic, moderate conservatives
can persuade the leader and the GC that a compromise must be sought. |
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| 7 |
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“Arising
in Iran”, en The Boston Globe, 17 de xaneiro de 2004.
Young Iranians are being inoculated against
the lures of autocracy and extremism. The lesson has been painful, but they are learning to demand true democratic
self-government. They have become partisans of civil and human rights and of Iran's opening up to a diverse world. |
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| 8 |
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“Crise
en Iran”, Editorial de Le Monde, 16 de xaneiro de 2004.
Dans quelques semaines, la République
islamique d'Iran célébrera son 25e anniversaire. Sans gloire. Car c'est un régime bloqué,
un régime qui va mal et qui paraît plus que jamais incapable de répondre aux aspirations d'une
population de 60 millions d'habitants, dont 70 % ont moins de 30 ans. |
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| 9 |
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“The
Appearance of Change in Iran”, en The Washington
Post, 15 de xaneiro de 2004.
That basic fact of Iranian daily life signals
a fundamental shift in politics. The dramatic relaxation of the theocracy's strict official dress code is but the
most visible aspect of a grudging yet steady expansion of what Iranians call "personal space." The term
describes the realm of purely personal liberties that extends from holding hands in public to watching satellite
television without fear of a police raid. |
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| 10 |
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“Tehran
terrorfest”, por Amir Taheri,
Iran-Press, 26 de xaneiro de 2004.
Nevertheless, it is clear that the Khomeinist
regime is prepared to change aspects of its behaviour and even concede some tactical retreats to weather what many
in Tehran call "the Bush storm". But the regime's strategy - aimed at driving America out of the Middle
East, destroying Israel and replacing all Arab regimes with "truly Islamic" ones - remains unchanged. |
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| 11 |
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“Ayatollahs
seek ways to blend religion with politics”,
en The Finantial
Times, 27 de xaneiro de 2004.
Taher Hashemi, a cleric and prominent newspaper
columnist, said that Iraq should learn lessons from Iran's experiences. "Perhaps they can avoid some of the
problems we have faced," he suggested. "The fact we have a reform movement means that there have been
failures. It is unfair, for example, that a group of 12 [the Guardian Council] can reject laws ratified by parliament." |
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| 12 |
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“There
is cynism in iran, but the civil society will recover”,
por Sanam Vakil, en, Iran Online,
22 de xaneiro de 2004.
A conservative victory and unified government
could also provide a solid opening for engagement with the United States. Khatami was allowed to pursue a policy
of detente and dialogue that restored Iran’s reputation with the European Union (EU) and the Arab world, but little
progress has been made with the US. With no domestic reformist threat on the horizon, the conservatives may choose
to pursue a policy of engagement with Washington, even compromising on such issues as weapons of mass destruction,
terrorism, Israel and human rights. |
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| 13 |
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“Their
last chance?”, en The Economist, 17 de xaneiro de 2004.
Whatever the outcome, Mr Khatami and parliament,
supported by a few newspapers, are all that prevent conservative institutions from taking an ever stronger grip
on the country. This is why the sit-in in Tehran, viewed with indifference by most Iranians, is so important. |
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| 14 |
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“El
Irán de Jamenei”, por Antonio Elorza, en El
País, 15 de xaneiro de 2004.
Jatamí habla de libertad en el marco
de una “democracia religiosa”, pero hasta esta crisis soportó una y otra vez las imposiciones del Guia.
En las últimas mobilizaciobnes contra el régimen, del pasado mes de junio, los jóvenes pedían
la dimisión de Jatamí y algunos coreaban “¡muerte a Jamenei!”, como antaño “¡muerte
al Sha!”. La partida no ha terminado. |
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